During a segment today with Maria Bartiromo, Representative Devin Nunes notes the “two parallel tracks” CTH has previously outlined.  The “parallel track” explanation begins at 11:15 of the interview. [Prompted – Just Hit Play]

“Two Parallel Tracks”

CTH Archive – Everything after March 9th, 2016, is a function of two official intelligence units, the CIA and FBI, operating together with two private political operations, Fusion GPS and the DNC, to coordinate -then coverup- political surveillance and spy operations.
Prior to March 9th, 2016, the CIA/FBI political surveillance and spy operation was using the NSA database to track and monitor their opposition. However, once the NSA compliance officer began initiating an internal review of who was accessing the system, the CIA and FBI moved to: (1) continue the operation; and (2) create ex post facto justification for their endeavors. [Full Backstory]
The evidence for this is found in the documents attached to both operations; and bolsters the original 2018 statements by Congressman Devin Nunes as highlighted below.


♦The Official CIA/FBI track took place between late 2015 and July 2016, and consisted of using foreign intelligence allies in Italy, the U.K and Australia to create a background illusion of Russian involvement with the Trump campaign. This operation was based on earlier -more innocuous- contacts from various countries, weaponized and redeployed in what everyone calls “spygate”. This track successfully culminated in Operation Crossfire Hurricane on July 31st, 2016.
♦The Unofficial FBI/Fusion/DNC track was domestic-centric, albeit sub-contracted to Fusion GPS and later a former British intelligence officer, and took place between late 2015 and October 2016; also to create the illusion of Russian involvement. This operation is best known around the Steele Dossier and FISA warrant against U.S. person Carter Page. The FBI track continued with the Mueller investigation into 2017, 2018 and 2019.
In April of 2018 Devin Nunes noted:

[Transcript] “So it took us a long time to actually get this, what’s called the electronic communication, as we know it now for your viewers, what it is it’s the original intelligence, original reasons that the counterintelligence was started.

Now this is really important to us because the counterintelligence investigation uses the tools of our intelligence services that are not supposed to be used on American citizens. And we’ve long wanted to know: what intelligence did you have that actually led to this investigation? So what we’ve found now, after the investigators have reviewed it, is that in fact there was no intelligence.

So we have a traditional partnership with what’s called the Five Eyes Agreement. Five Eyes Agreement involves our friends in Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Canada, and of course, us. So long time processes and procedures in place where we move intelligence across.

We are not supposed to spy on each others’ citizens. And it’s worked well. And it continues to work well. And we know it’s working well because there was no intelligence that passed through the Five Eyes channels to our government.

And that’s why we had to see that original communication. So now we’re trying to figure out, as you know, we are investigating the State Department, we think there’s some major irregularities in the State Department, and we’re trying to figure out how this information about Mr. Papadopoulos of all people who was supposedly meeting with some folks in London, how that made it over across into the FBI’s hands.” (video link)

The direct evidence for what Devin Nunes is describing is found in two specific documents. Each of the documents is unique to their track. One track is the CIA the other track is the FBI. The merging point that binds them is the U.S. State Department.

♦ First, we review the Official CIA/FBI track.

The evidence for the CIA track is found in the Weissmann-Mueller report. More specifically, it is found in the intentional way the report tries to conflate two contact points.
This track is CIA Director John Brennan’s work, with enlisted help from the FBI counterintelligence unit (Peter Strzok and Bill Priestap) as they travel to the U.K.
After western intelligence asset Joseph Mifsud (posed as a Russian) plants a story on George Papadopoulos about Russia having “emails of Clinton”, the operation then needs Papadopoulos to share the information. That’s where a joint network comes in. The network is the U.S. embassy in London; the Australian embassy in London; the Australian Ambassador to the U.K. Alexander Downer; and his top aide Erika Thompson.
Notice page #89 of the report; but read carefully and specifically notice the date Weissmann and Mueller use to frame the Russia story extraction from Papadopoulos:
The meeting on May 6th, was NOT a meeting with Australian Ambassador Alexander Downer. That meeting did not happen until May 10th. The recent release of documents from Australia confirm this timeline.
The meeting on May 6th was between George Papadopoulos and Downer’s aide, Erika Thompson: …”that the Trump campaign had received information from the Russian government that it could assist the campaign through the anonymous release of information that would be damaging to Hillary Clinton.”
So, if the U.S. used the information from the May 6, 2016, meeting as conveyed on July 26th, 2016, it was the conversation with Erika Thompson that opened Crossfire Hurricane; not the meeting with Alexander Downer on May 10th. {Go Deep}
This subtle but important distinction in contact and communication reconciles the statement by Devin Nunes; because Thompson is also a reported intelligence operative (spy) and information from her would not be passing through “Five Eyes” official channels. However, for their intents and purposes, the U.S. operation needed to give the appearance of official channels, so the *inference* between the claim and the footnote *implies* Ambassador Downer. But you can see that’s not actually what happened.
This is an example of Weissmann/Mueller disguising the actual origin in their report. They are giving cover to the reality that unofficial intelligence was the actual basis for the originating “EC” or two-page electronic communication from CIA Director John Brennan to FBI Director James Comey. It was that 2-page EC, likely written by FBI counterintelligence agent Peter Strzok, that initiated “Crossfire Hurricane”.
The page in the Weissmann/Mueller report is factually true but the inference is false. It is written in the way they intended, to give a false impression. It is quite subtle and sneaky.
What is outlined on Page #89 is also the CIA track that ran from March to July 31st, 2016.
The operation positioned Joseph Mifsud as a Russian spy; has him plant information on George Papadopoulos; then uses U.S. and AU operatives to withdraw the information; thereby giving the appearance that a Trump campaign official, Papadopoulos, was receiving and passing-on Russian intelligence. This is the CIA justification for creating the EC. This is the CIA cover story.
Now let’s review the evidence of the unofficial FBI track and how it also connects to the U.S. State Department. This path is more brutally obvious because the document had to be less ambiguous in construct to track through the FISA Court.  This operation involves the FISA application on U.S. Person Carter Page.

♦ The FBI Track – The Steele Dossier, FISA Warrant and Carter Page.

The second page of the FISA application used to gain a Title-1 surveillance warrant against U.S. Carter Page identifies where the material came from. Notice the direct attribution is to the State Department; not the DOJ or FBI, and certainly not Christopher Steele.

Applying hindsight to the backstory of Fusion GPS hiring Nellie Ohr (Oct. 2015); the Clinton Campaign hiring Fusion GPS (April 2016); and Fusion hiring Christopher Steele for the Dossier; and the Steele Dossier being passed on to the FBI and DOJ via various official and unofficial channels… Question: why would the DOJ be citing the State Department for their FISA application?
The answer is simple. Carter Page was a known person to the FBI and DOJ. Carter Page was a subject witness from 2012 to 2016 in the Evgeny Buryakov case [DOJ March 2016]. How could the FBI claim Carter Page was “an agent of a foreign power” to the FISA court in October 2016, when they only finished using him as a cooperating subject witness in May of 2016? [DOJ May 2016]
The short answers are: (1) they couldn’t; (2) they were in a big hurry; there was a sense of urgency; they needed the FISA and Steele Dossier as insurance policy; and (3) it wasn’t safe for the DOJ/FBI to make the ‘foreign agent‘ claim against their own prior witness if things went sideways.
Remember, there are dual purposes, one critical purpose is a coverup. Their efforts are about gaining position and appearances to justify the preceding action. Their efforts are not focused on an actual investigation.  They told the FISC the information came from the State Department and [Redacted]…. Whichever source could give them the best legal justification to gain the FISA warrant was the leading point in the thought process.
Despite everything around the Steele Dossier primarily inbound from Fusion-GPS and Chris Steele to the DOJ and FBI, the people creating the FISA illusion needed to use the State Department as a valid reference for fraudulent claims they were making.
From the beginning Fusion-GPS was not hired to research Donald Trump; the intelligence community (FBI, CIA and DOJ-NSD) were already doing surveillance and spy operations. The intelligence community needed Fusion GPS to give them a plausible justification for already existing surveillance and spy operations. Fusion created the dossier for them.
In essence it was the Steele Dossier that merged unofficial political opposition research being conducted by Fusion GPS, into official investigative use in the FBI to join with Crossfire Hurricane.
The FISA application is the point of merging, joining one unofficial track with the official FBI track as noted by Devin Nunes in today’s interview with Maria Bartiromo.
The FBI knew Carter Page. Essentially Carter Page was irrelevant, what they needed was the FISA warrant and the Dossier in the system {Go Deep} as their insurance policy.
So there we see two parallel tracks; one from the CIA/FBI, and one from Fusion, DNC and the FBI.  Both tracks intended to:  (1) set up Trump for the Russian collusion narrative; and (2) provide a cover story for political surveillance and spy operations that preceded March 9, 2016.
The CIA track created ‘crossfire hurricane’. The Fusion/FBI track created the Steele Dossier. Both had the same purpose and merged with the FISA application.
Both tracks originated from ‘unofficial channels’ and then transferred into official status through the use of two documents. The CIA generated the two-page “EC”; and the FBI generated the FISA application from the Steele Dossier.
Both tracks held the same essential purposes; both tracks were insurance policies; and both tracks merged for intelligence exploitation continuing after President Trump won the election. After the election the goal was shifted to remove the risk Trump represented.
Once they had the legal justifications for targeting Trump, albeit fraudulently obtained, the effort could move into phase three: by-the-book processes. The FBI track evolved into the Mueller probe; that’s why the Dossier is so important to the validity of the special counsel.
A big part of everything after March 9th, 2016, through today – was/is covering for everything that happened before March 9th when political “contractors” were allowed by the FBI and DOJ to have weaponized access to the NSA database for political surveillance and spy operations.
This two-track process and ultimate merging is what all of the documentary evidence supports. I suspect when the arc of the story concludes, this is where we will be.

The most important sentence in Judge Collyer’s brief:

…”many of these non-compliant queries involved the use of the same identifiers over different date ranges.”..

This Page #82 sentence specifically highlights that during the 2016 presidential campaign, those who had access to the NSA database were searching the same phone numbers, email addresses, electronic “identifiers”, or people, repeatedly over different dates.
Specific people were being tracked/monitored.

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