As attorneys Daryl Parks and Benjamin Crump continue to represent the family of Michael Brown, the similarities in their approach toward both the Trayvon Martin and Mike Brown shooting continue to mount. And that’s a problem, as you’ll see at the end:
• The ages of both both Mike Brown and Trayvon Martin were originally misreported. Trayvon was 13, then 15, then 16 and eventually 17. Mike Brown was 17 in most original reports, and then eventually 18.
• Both Mike Brown and Trayvon Martin were at a convenience store immediately before the shooting.
• Both Mike Brown and Trayvon Martin were legally represented by attorneys’ Benjamin Crump, and Daryl Parks from the Law Firm: Parks and Crump.
• For both shootings Benjamin Crump enlisted the assistance of MSNBC and Al Sharpton.
• Al Sharpton enlisted the AME church network, and Jamal Bryant in both shootings.
• Benjamin Crump and Al Sharpton called for the NAACP’s assistance in both shootings.
• The New Black Panther Party involved themselves in both shootings.
• The congressional Black Caucus involved themselves in both shootings.
• Neither Brown nor Martin lived in the neighborhood where they were staying. Martin was from Miami Gardens (shot in Sanford), and Brown did not live in Ferguson, MO.
• Brown was staying with his Grandmother, Martin was staying with his dad’s girlfriend.
• In Both cases the media use the catch phrase “unarmed teenager”. You’ll not find much, if any, reporting without the use of this catch phrase.
• The media called both “a child”, and a “minor child”.
• Both Brown and Martin families refused to help local police officers in the initial investigation and demanded federal intervention via Eric Holder and the DOJ.
• Eric Holder used the FBI and the Civil Rights Division “Community Relations Service” (CRS) in both cases.
• The CRS “Peacekeepers” enlisted the Dream Defenders in both cases.
• Benjamin Crump, initially, would not allow witnesses to talk to local authorities in both cases. Witness control is imperative as the narrative is constructed.
• Both Trayvon Martin and Mike Brown had their social media history scrubbed.
• Both Trayvon Martin and Mike Brown had their juvenile criminal records sealed.
• Initial statements from local police indicated that both Brown and Martin threw the first confrontational punch – they were the aggressor and the responding gunshots were as a result of their aggressive physical confrontations.
• President Obama made a highly public statement in both cases.
• Both shootings happened in an election year (2012 and 2014).
• Both shootings preceded requests for legislative changes. For Martin it was “Stand Your Ground” reform. For Brown it’s body camera’s on all police officers.
• Media, and some eye witnesses, initially claimed both Trayvon and Brown were shot in the back.
• Media ignore, overlook, or initially don’t question the injuries sustained by the shooter. Have you heard of media FOIA requests for Darren Wilson’s injuries? You won’t because that doesn’t assist their narrative.
• The issue in Trayvon Martin case was whether lethal force was necessary, but that discussion was buried under the racial elements (both of Zimmerman being white and Trayvon being black). The issue here is also whether a police officer had a right to defend himself, but that investigation is completely buried by the issue of race.
• Both Martin and Brown came from broken families, yet both were sold to media -by Crump- as intact family units.
• In both events, Howard University (dream defenders) at the heart of the national media narrative. Petitions, change.org rallies, etc. The goal is to nationalize the story.
• In both events the family attorney(s) Ben Crump and Daryl Parks accused the police of a cover-up. Facts be damned – they’ll still make the claim.
• In both shootings Benjamin Crump immediately says he’s going to have a second autopsy. For Mike Brown there’s even going to be a third thanks to Eric Holder.
• Both Martin and Brown had false narrative about how long their body was unattended. Brown meme was “laid in the street for hours”. Martin meme was “laid in morgue unidentified for 3 days”; neither of which are accurate or factual.
• Both families immediately had T-Shirts printed up with catch phrases. “Justice for Trayvon” (trademarked by Sybrina Fulton), and “Hands Up Don’t Shoot” for Mike Brown.
• In both events the New Black Panther Party was handing out flyers within 24 hours.
• Both Martin and Brown had quick narrative constructed of personality “good kid”, “aspiring astronaut”, “no trouble”, “gentle giant” etc.
• Both Martin and Brown were black.
• Both Martin and Brown were unemployed.
• Initial media physical descriptions of both Martin and Brown were horribly false and unchallenged due to “child” narrative affixed to both. This also seems to provide a protective screen stopping people from asking questions.
• In both cases a surveillance video surfaces which contradicts the initial media preferred storyline. For Trayvon it was the 7-11 video showing his 6’2″ stature in dark hoodie buying skittles and watermelon juice and trying to purchase cigarillos. For Brown it was the strong armed robbery of the Ferguson Liquor Market also regarding cigarillos.
• Both Martin and Brown took possession of cigarillos, or blunts, immediately prior to their deaths. Brown stole his, Trayvon paid another guy to purchase for him while he waited outside the 7-11.
• Neither Brown nor Martin themselves paid the cashier for the products they needed.
• In both cases the media trying to cover for the lack of character inherent within the recorded and visible activity. Again, this is a loss of control. Control of the narrative is key; any extraneous fact-based details are considered a risk to that narrative.
• Both community responses calling for the firing of the police Chief, and the local prosecutor for sharing the truth. Again, a control aspect. The network includes federal officials so they are considered more in alignment.
• In both cases the Federal DOJ comes down against the release of the truthful information. Eric Holder telling Ferguson PD not to release robbery footage. In Sanford Florida 2012 it was keeping the Miami-Dade School Police encounters hidden from the public review.
• In both cases the New Black Panthers show up in the community and demand the DEATH of the shooter. This is alarming to witness because it is allowed.
• In both instances of death threats to Zimmerman and Wilson the local, state and federal authorities do nothing about the death threats, and conversely seem to actively support them. This is even more alarming.
• In both cases the Scheme Team (Attorney’s Parks and Crump) use specific media entities to “leak information” (ex. Frances Robles – Autopsy results).
• In both cases the 3 weeks post shooting are used to advance the familiar claim of “all we want is an arrest – nothing more and nothing less – we simply want an arrest“. In 2012 Sybrina Fulton was the most sympathetic voice to make the demand; consequently in 2014 Lesley McSpadden began this familiar call this week. The subtext is a call for “justice”. For Parks and Crump the “justice” is financial.
• In both cases the facts begin to stall the goal of an arrest, and subsequently media evidence is contrived to assist continuance of the story. In 2012 it was the 911 call tapes release, and in 2014 it is a family sponsored autopsy.
• In both cases “experts” are brought in to support their media evidence. In 2012 it was audio specialists who claimed the screams on the 911 call were Trayvon; In 2014 it was autopsy reports to claim “execution style” shooting.
• In 2012 the Miami Herald was given “exclusive access” to the family media evidence. In 2014 the New York Times were selected for “exclusive access” to family media evidence. The reporter in both cases was Frances Robles. The delivery of both events is a highly attended press conference.
• In both cases the Parks and Crump law firm did not want a grand jury impaneled to hear the actual evidence. In 2012 they succeeded; in 2014 they failed.
• In both cases the Parks and Crump law firm wanted a Special Prosecutor, appointed by the governor, to take over the local prosecution decision. In 2012 they were successful and Angela Corey was appointed; in 2014 so far they have failed.
The Parks and Crump goal is to get to what Benjamin Crump calls “second base”. First base is the “racial hook”; the media narrative to stir up support and attention. Second Base is the filing of criminal charges against the shooter. In 2012 it was George Zimmerman; in 2014 it is Officer Darren Wilson.
Once criminal charges are filed they can then move toward 3rd base. Third base is the filing of civil lawsuits toward the city, municipality, and or insurance companies for wrongful death claims – with the loom of a criminal trial establishing the “probable cause” for a financial victory.
In the Trayvon example of 2012 they sued the Homeowners Association of the neighborhood where George Zimmerman lived, The Retreat at Twin Lakes. They settled out of court for $1.7 million just before the trial began.
But how bad are these guys really ?
(actually Rachel Jeantel).
As unbelievable as it sounds this ear witness was introduced during a press conference on 3/20/12 as: an anonymous 16-year-old puppy love girlfriend of Trayvon (since Kindergarten) who was so devastated she could not attend the funeral.
The truth was wildly divergent.
Ear witness #8 was Rachel Jeantel – she had only met Trayvon 3 times and had only known him for 3 weeks (they met on 2/5/12). She was 18-years-old, she was never hospitalized; and she did not attend the funeral because she did not know anyone. The first time Sybrina Fulton met her was after the shooting.
Worse yet, she didn’t hear anything that Parks and Crump were telling the media she heard.
But the media never reported any of those discrepancies because the Parks and Crump team maintained the ruse of her being a minor as a shield.
What’s worse, and this is where you really understand the scope of deception, is when she finally did talk to the State Authorities on 4/2/12 she was intentionally never asked for id when she swore her statement under oath.
By not asking for identification the State of Florida held plausible deniability all the way until trial for the fact the storyline for DeeDee was a total ruse.
Early in the 2012 pre-trial discovery the Florida State Prosecutors told the judge she was a minor, and allowed the defense team to believe she was a minor until just before trial in June of 2013.